Έγινε επισήμως γνωστό ότι πάγια θέση τής Αμερικής είναι η εξάπλωση τής Βόρειο-Ατλαντικής Συμμαχίας σ' ολόκληρη την Ανατολική Ευρώπη. Οι Συμμαχικές Δυνάμεις όμως, αυτές οι οποίες πολέμησαν τη Γερμανική Ναζιστική Πολεμική Μηχανή, με το τέλος τού Πολέμου, επανήλθαν στην αντιμέτωπη θέση με τη Μόσχα, δηλαδή στη θέση από την οποία ενθάρρυναν τον Χίτλερ να επιτεθεί κατά τής Ρωσίας.
Ας μη ξεχνάμε ότι ανάμεσα τών Συμμάχων βρέθηκε και η Ρωσία, η χώρα με τον μεγαλύτερο αριθμό πολεμικών θυμάτων.
Εάν τ' Αμερικανικά σχέδια στην Ευρασία σκοπό ή σκοπούς έχουν την προστασία τής Δύσεως ή οποιονδήποτε άλλους στόχους, αυτό, μπορεί να αποτελέσει αντικείμενο έρευνας και μελέτης, αυτό όμως που δεν χρειάζεται βοηθητική επεξήγηση είναι ότι η Αμερική έχει Σχέδια για την περιοχή και ότι αυτά τα Σχέδια δεν έχουν στόχο να προστατεύσουν τα Έθνεα Ελλήνων, Σέρβων και Ρώσων. Ας το πάρουμε απόφαση, η επίθεση τής Δύσεως είναι κατά τών ΕλληνοΟρθοδόξων Χριστιανών, συνέχεια τού Μεγάλου Σχίσματος τού 1054 και ότι το Φανάρι είναι εργαλείο τής Δύσεως για την διατήρηση Διασπάσεως τών Ανατολικών Ελληνο-Ορθόδοξων Εκκλησιών και προσάρτηση τής Ελληνικής στη Δυτική, αρχίζοντας με το ημερολογιακό Εορτολόγιο.
Το 1999 βομβάρδιζαν την Μεγάλη Παρασκευή, οι Σύμμαχοι τα Μοναστήρια τού Κοσσυφοπεδίου και τη Λαμπρή τού 2008 στα Βόρεια Σύνορα τής Ελλάδος έχει αναπτυχθεί η Μεγάλη Αμερικανική Βάση. Αυτά είναι γεγονότα τα οποία δεν αμφισβητούνται από κανέναν.
Οι πολέμιοι τού Εθνικισμού τυγχάνει να είναι και όψιμοι πολέμιοι τού Κράτους-Έθνους και πολέμιοι τού αντί-Σημιτισμού. Όμως και ο Σημιτισμός μια Ιουδαϊκή μορφή Εθνικισμού είναι. Άρα και οι οπαδοί τών Ομάδων, αθλητικών, οικονομικών ή άλλων, εθνικιστές είναι, αφού κάθε ομάδα με κοινά ενδιαφέροντα και ομοιότητες χαρακτήρα, Έθνη μπορούν να είναι.
Εάν οι ομάδες ανθρώπων στην περιοχή τού Βαρδάρη κοντά στο Μοναστήριο καταφέρουν να δημιουργήσουν μια μεγάλη ομάδα με το όνομα Νέα Μακεδονία και να δημιουργήσουν κοινή γλώσσα, θρησκεία, ήθη και έθιμα, Ίσως κάποια στιγμή να θελήσουν να γίνουν όλοι τους ένα έθνος. Αυτό όμως που δύσκολα εξηγείται είναι πώς το Φάληρο διαιρέθηκε σε δύο και το το μεν πρώτο ονομάζεται σήμερα Νέο, το δε Παλαιό Φάληρο να είναι νεότερο τού Νέου.
Φρονώ ότι το Φάληρο τού Σωκράτη, πρέπει να ήταν ο δήμος τών Εχελιδών, το σημερινό Νέο Φάληρο τού Πειραιά, εκεί όπου είχε πάει για την Άρτεμη, στην «Πολιτεία». Δεν νομίζω ο Απολλόδωρος να είχε κατοικία στο σημερινό Παλαιό Φάληρο, ούτε η συνουσία τότε να μην είχε το νόημα τής συναντήσεως (meeting).
Πολύ πριν την εποχή τού Σωκράτη, ενδέχεται το σημερινό Παλαιό Φάληρο να ήταν ό,τι ο Πειραιάς στην κλασική και μεταγενέστερη εποχή, δηλαδή ο λιμήν τής πόλεως τών Αθηνών.
Αυτά συμβαίνουν όταν τα Έθνη διασπώνται και αντί κράτος-έθνος προωθούμε communities χωρίς συνοχή και, διαλέκτους δήθεν τού λαού, οι οποίες όμως απλώς κάνουν δυσνόητα τα κείμενα τών προγόνων μας. Τώρα μένει να μάθουμε κατά πόσον η Νέα Μακεδονία είναι Νέα ή απλώς μέρος τής Αρχαίας, πάντα από πλευράς πληθυσμών, καθώς τα εδάφη σαφώς πρέπει να έχουν ακριβώς την ίδια ηλικία.
Οι μελετητές τών Εθνών και γλωσσών θα μάς πουν και για τις ηλικίες τού Έθνους και τής (σλαβικής ή άλλης) γλώσσας των ανθρώπων τής Νέας Μακεδονίας. Πάντως αυτή η γλώσσα δεν πρέπει να έχει παπύρους και σπαράγματα προς μελέτη, από όσο τουλάχιστον είναι γνωστό. Μάλλον το αλφάβητο τού Κυρίλλου διαθέτει, αυτό που δημιούργησαν οι Μεθόδιος και Κύριλλος για τις ανάγκες των Σλάβων.
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Βάρβαροι πρέπει να είναι αυτοί οι Έμποροι.
Serbs slains for their organs, says ex-U.N. lawyer
PRISTINA, Kosovo (AP) -- A human rights group has urged Kosovo authorities to investigate claims by a former U.N. war crimes prosecutor that ethnic Albanian guerrillas killed dozens of Serbs and sold their organs at the end of the war in Kosovo.
New York-based Human Rights Watch said Carla Del Ponte had presented "sufficiently grave evidence" in her newly-published book to warrant an investigation into claims guerrillas took Serbs into Albania, killed them and then sold their organs to international traffickers in 1999.
In a letter dated April 4 and addressed to Kosovo's prime minister, the rights group called upon Kosovo's authorities "to determine the veracity" of the claims with counterparts in Albania.
The confidential letter was obtained by The Associated Press on Friday from an international official. Officials from the rights group confirmed they had sent the letter, but declined to comment, saying they wanted to give Kosovo authorities time to respond to the request.
"We consider the circumstantial evidence she presents to be sufficiently grave to warrant further investigation," Human Rights Watch said in the letter.
"We urge you to initiate a thorough investigation in cooperation with your Albania counterparts, in order to determine the veracity of Del Ponte's claim and to ensure anyone found responsible for such crimes is held accountable in a court of law," it said.
In the letter, the rights group said Del Ponte was told that Kosovo Albanians transported between 100 and 300 people -- most of them Serb civilians -- by truck from Kosovo into northern Albania in June 1999, as NATO and the United Nations were moving into Kosovo at the end of the war between separatist rebels and Serbian forces.
"Some of the younger, healthier captives were allegedly fed, examined by doctors and never beaten," the group said in the letter.
They were then transported into facilities near the Albanian town of Burrel, about 90 kilometers (55 miles) north of the capital, Tirana, where "doctors extracted the captives' internal organs," Human Rights Watch said.
"Bodies of the victims may be buried near a yellow house nearby a graveyard about 20 kilometers (12 miles) south of Burrel," the letter says.
It cites Del Ponte saying U.N. investigators inspected the house and found medical equipment used in surgery and traces of blood, but were unable to determine if the blood was human.
According to Del Ponte, high-level members of the guerrilla Kosovo Liberation Army were aware of the organ-smuggling operation. Most of the victims were Kosovo Serbs, but they also included women from Kosovo, Albania, Russia and Slavic countries.
Kosovo's justice minister Nekibe Kelmendi dismissed the allegations as "fabrications."
"These are pure fabrications by Del Ponte or by Serbia itself," Kelmendi said. "I have had four private meetings with Carla Del Ponte and she never once mentioned any such allegations."
She criticized Del Ponte "for writing about issues that were not turned into official charges."
"If she knew of such cases then she should be charged for withholding evidence and hiding these crimes," Kelmendi said.
Kelmendi's ministry was also on the list of authorities who received the letter from the rights watchdog. European Union and U.N. officials in Kosovo were also sent the letter.
Serbia's war crimes prosecutor has said he will look into the claims. Families of missing Serbs, however, accuse the prosecutor of failing to take action even though they have provided the names of 300 people they accuse of being involved in the kidnapping of Serbs.
Hundreds of Serbs and ethnic Albanians are still missing from Kosovo's 1998-99 war.
Kosovo declared independence from Serbia on Feb. 17 and has been recognized by the United States and the bulk of nations in the European Union. Serbia and its ally Russia oppose Kosovo's statehood.
Η Μανταλένα και ο Μπίλης έκαναν καλή δουλειά στο Κόσοβο ή διέπραξαν κακό;
Φοβάμαι όμως ότι οι αποφάσεις για την περιοχή ήταν προδιεγεγραμμένες, αλλά και αυτοί ως πρόσωπα δεν μπορεί να είναι ανεύθυνα.
Βάρβαροι οι Έμποροι Οργάνων, Βάρβαροι οι αγοραστές/δέκτες, Βάρβαροι όμως και αυτοί που τα υποθάλπτουν και τα συγκαλύπτουν αυτά τα βάρβαρα εγκλήματα.
Η Κάρλα γιατί δεν έκανε αυτό που θα μπορούσε να κάνει όταν ήξερε το συνεχές έγκλημα στα Βαλκάνια;
June 18, 1999
As Serb troops continue their withdrawal of Kosovo, they leave behind mass graves and other evidence of human rights abuses. NewsHour correspondent Charles Krause traces the murder of one human rights lawyer and the horrors experienced by his family.
CHARLES KRAUSE: With KFOR troops now in full control of Kosovo's capital, Pristina, the Nekibe Kelmendi came out of hiding yesterday for the first time since the night of March 24th. It was the night NATO first bombed Serbia and the night Serb police first came for Nekibe Kelmendi's husband here in Pristina at their home. Byron Kelmendi was Kosovo's leading human rights lawyer; he was also one of a small group of Albanian intellectuals who worked closely with the United States over the past year to try to avoid the spasm of violence and death that in the end finally came. U.S. Ambassador of Macedonia Chris Hill met with Byron Kelmendi on numerous occasions with him and knew him well.
One family's tragic story.
CHRISTOPHER HILL, U.S. Ambassador of Macedonia: He was very principled, very articulate, very animated when he spoke. I mean, he was a leader. And that's why he was on the group of people that we were putting together in order to have a negotiation - very, very active person. You know, he was a big guy. I remember, he had this shock of white hair. You could tell that he was a lawyer who, in a court of law, could, you know, do very well.
CHARLES KRAUSE: Nekibe Kelmendi last saw her husband and their two sons alive that long night in March nearly three months ago. It was not until yesterday that she herself felt safe enough and emotionally ready to go home.
NEKIBE KELMENDI: (speaking through interpreter) They force it open by kicking and banging with their weapons.
CHARLES KRAUSE: There were three Serb policemen who broke into the Kelmendis' home that night -- all three of them in uniform, and all three of them heavily armed.
NEKIBE KELMENDI: (speaking through interpreter) They were regular policemen, their police force. Here it was written police force. They weren't masked. Their faces were uncovered. Then they went upstairs. My son was sitting right there when one of the policemen entered with a gun. He fired inside here and look what they've done. The bullet went that way and broke right through the microwave. My son was sitting there. That means they were shooting at him, but the bullet missed. They forced to us lie down on the floor. I was lying down right here with my hands like this, and I was afraid to raise my head. Both of them had their guns pointed towards our heads. I didn't dare move at all.
CHARLES KRAUSE: After nearly an hour of ripping apart the house, the policemen left with her husband and two sons.
NEKIBE KELMENDI: (speaking through interpreter) They took them and it was 2 o'clock, when they finally left the house. And I called, "Look, the phone is not there anymore."
CHRISTOPHER HILL: I got a call from a Kosovo Albanian, who was another member of the Rambouillet process, informing me that he and his sons had been abducted. So the first question was, is there anyone we can get to in Kosovo to deal with that? The problem was, everyone had been pulled out some week before. So the problem is once the person has been abducted, alas, there was not a lot that could be done about it apart from going straight to the Serbs. And, believe me, the Serbs were not taking telephone calls.
An abduction, then execution.
CHARLES KRAUSE: The next day Nekibe Kelmendi begged the Serb police for information. She was told there was none. Then 48 hours after they were abducted, the tortured and bullet-riddled bodies of Byron Kelmendi, his 30-year-old son, Kastriate(ph), and 16-year-old Kastrim(ph) were found on a street in Pristina.
CHARLES KRAUSE: Do you believe that Slobodan Milosevic is responsible for the death of your husband and your two sons?
NEKIBE KELMENDI: (speaking through interpreter) Absolutely. Yes. Absolutely, yes. Milosevic did anything he wanted to do in Kosovo. When he wanted, he used a peep hole. When he wanted to, he sent troops into Kosovo. And when he wanted to, he brought them back. You have seen the weapons he had. Do you really think that all of this was done without his knowledge?
CHARLES KRAUSE: As we sat in her ransacked living room, Nekibe Kelmendi was almost obsessed, wanting to show us the many legal documents she and her husband had prepared over the years. In addition to gathering evidence of human rights abuses by Serb authorities in Kosovo, it was Byron Kelmendi who first went to the international court of justice in the Hague to demand that Serbian President Milosevic be indicted as a war criminal. The indictment came shortly after Byron Kelmendi and his sons were murdered.
CHARLES KRAUSE: Do you think that the murder of your husband was an act of revenge, or were they worried about what he would do if he were still alive?
NEKIBE KELMENDI: (speaking through interpreter) It was revenge against Byron, my husband, not only to abduct him for going before the Hague tribunal but also they had such a hatred of him for such a long period of time he had been trying to speak openly about what is happening here and he opened the eyes of the world for the crimes and genocide and everything they had done here.
CHRISTOPHER HILL: The name of the game for the Kosovar Albanians in the ten years prior to the insurgency was to get international recognition of their problem. And they didn't want to do it through an armed insurgency. They wanted to do it through people like Mr. Kelmendi. So he was very important to the process.
CHARLES KRAUSE: How great a threat was he to Serb control over Kosovo?
CHRISTOPHER HILL: Well, you recall that up until only a year ago the Serbs insisted this is purely an internal affair; this is not the affair of the international community. And so anyone who was successful in bringing the international community into this, and Mr. Kelmendi was successful, was indeed a threat.
Continuing the fight for justice.
CHARLES KRAUSE: Did you ever think of leaving Kosovo when the bombing started?
NEKIBE KELMENDI: (speaking through interpreter) No. Even though I was in great danger, the police came in and out of the house ten times and they robbed and looted my house. Maybe they were looking for me. I have never considered leaving Kosovo. I want to die here. I cannot abandon the land where my family is buried.
CHARLES KRAUSE: Will you continue the work that you and your husband began?
NEKIBE KELMENDI: (speaking through interpreter) I will continue my work for as long as I live, until we achieve what we have been struggling for in Kosovo, but peacefully. I cannot do it any other way.
CHARLES KRAUSE: Do you believe that the Western powers will see to it that Milosevic and the others are brought to justice at the Hague?
NEKIBE KELMENDI: (speaking through interpreter) If they don't do that, then the indictment will be merely declaration. The tribunal will then be completing its mission. It will be just an historic document without any practical effect.
CHARLES KRAUSE: What will it mean to you and your people if Milosevic and the others are not brought to justice at the Hague?
NEKIBE KELMENDI: (speaking through interpreter) Total disappointment.
CHARLES KRAUSE: As the Serb withdrawal from Kosovo continues, more and more mass graves are being uncovered throughout this war-torn province. And, like thousands, perhaps tens of thousands of their countrymen, Byron Kelmendi and his two sons are today buried in shallow graves, their bodies are resting at least temporarily just beneath the surface of Kosovo's bloodstained earth.
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